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another.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2667.42,2672.42"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/809","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"25 years after \"Brown and Board,\"","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2674.67,2678.69"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/810","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"many black Americans are much better 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1950s.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2685.39,2689.913"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/813","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"At the same time,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2690.97,2692.61"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/814","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"a large number of blacks are 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rates,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2699.03,2702.25"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/817","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"and low family incomes.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2702.25,2704.66"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/818","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"But the racial gap 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enrollment","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2800.95,2805.07"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/823","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"in non-black colleges and universities,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2805.07,2809.833"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/824","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"and for expanded job 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Congress,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2818.53,2821.95"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/827","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"suggest another slowdown in the production of housing,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2821.95,2825.85"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/828","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"in the price ranges that will meet the needs of most blacks.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2825.85,2830.85"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/829","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"This could again,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2831.44,2832.73"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/830","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"setback progress towards higher standard of 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attacks,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2840.99,2843.98"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/833","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"and its resistance to change,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2843.98,2846.3"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/834","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"deters for the progress in employment and education.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2846.3,2850.803"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/835","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"What is happening in black America,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2851.67,2854.05"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/836","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"reflects many forces including,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2854.05,2857.01"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/837","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"the impact of rapid and continuing suburbanization,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2857.01,2860.963"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/838","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"the changes in the labor requirements of the 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programs,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2867.27,2871.1"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/841","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"the decision, especially decisions,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2871.1,2873.65"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/842","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"especially of the federal courts,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2873.65,2876.27"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/843","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"the recent trend towards economic conservatism","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2876.27,2880.18"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/844","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"inside and outside of government,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2880.18,2883.3"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/845","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"the impact of inflation,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2883.3,2885.39"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/846","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"and perhaps most of all,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2885.39,2887.71"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/847","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"the predilection of white Americans","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2887.71,2890.14"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/848","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"to overestimate the progress of blacks and thereby,","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2890.14,2893.87"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/849","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"rationalize, listening or withdrawing support","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2893.87,2898.5"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/850","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"of programs to foster equal opportunity.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2898.5,2901.33"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/851","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"Thank you.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2901.33,2902.163"},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/852","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"(people clapping)","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=2903.136,2906.053"}]},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["English [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29174/annotation/853","type":"Annotation","motivation":"subtitling","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/029/174/original/AV168071_Black_America_25_years_after_Brown_vs_Board_a.vtt?1623261354","format":"text/vtt","language":"en"},"target":"https://d9jk7wjtjpu5g.cloudfront.net/file_transcripts/associated_files/000/029/174/original/AV168071_Black_America_25_years_after_Brown_vs_Board_a.vtt?1623261354"}]},{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29175","type":"AnnotationPage","label":{"en":["AV168071_Black_America_25_years_after_Brown_vs_Board_a.txt [Transcript]"]},"items":[{"id":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941/transcript/29175/annotation/854","type":"Annotation","motivation":"transcribing","body":{"type":"TextualBody","value":"- Thank you. In discussing Black America 25 years after \"Brown versus Board,\" it is necessary to establish criteria, by which events are to be evaluated. No less basic is examination of the indices by which progress is to be measured. Changes in the structure of urban America, affecting the status of Black Americans are equally important and relevant. Related, are the mood of the nation, on the policies and programs of government. Because much of the change involved is rooted in federal law and philosophy, the decisions of the Supreme and the other federal courts are often crucial. Since emancipation and indeed, obviously there is validity in this approach. But in the multi ethic and multiracial democracy such as ours, a more significant index is the relative position of groups in a society. And my analysis, both in group developments, and relative trends will be presented. In discussing the status of Black Americans, there is a tendency towards polarization. Utilizing basically the same data, different conclusions are pronounced. By citing medium incomes and unemployment rates, some affirms that blacks have made but limited economic progress, and their relative status has retrogressed in recent details. Others utilizing the income and employment data, point to the significant expansions of the black middle class, and blacks recent access to professional and managerial jobs, long unattainable to them as evidence of progress. It is instructive to look at the data involved and evaluate them. As far as income and employment rates are concerned, medium figures fail to disclose that two somewhat inconsistent phenomenon are being and have occurred. There has been an absolute and relative increase in the economic status of well trained blacks, simultaneously with a decline in the absolute and relative status of the unscaled, poorly trained, inexperienced, as well as others who remain outside the main stream of our economy. Mediums for the total black population, fails to reveal this dichotomy. Nor do they adequately reflect the true status of the two major universes of blacks. Underestimating the progress of the upwardly mobile, as well as the relative deprivation, of the much larger number, which is identified as the underclass. For example, the numbers and proportion of blacks in managerial, relatively high income employment, has increased significantly since the mid 1960s. But those involved and the rest of the black middle class, are still a relatively small proportion. In 1977, only 9% of all black families had incomes above the Bureau of Labor statistics, level of $25,200, for families at a higher standard of living, and only 24%, had incomes above $17,106, the BLS level for an intermediate standard of living. While this involves a significant historical quantitative gain, it is much less than the 24 and 49% respectively, for whites enjoying incomes at higher and intermediate standards of living in 1977. None of the data stated so far reveal quantitative changes. Blacks have achieved positions in upper management, and they are entering the ranks of corporate directors with all deliberate speed. More important, in many firms is a growing number of blacks who are serving in junior management capacities, where they are in the pipeline that supplies a large segment of upper management personnel. This not only favorably position some of those involved for upgrading, but it is also a basic element in motivating any more black youths to pursue training in Business Administration and related fields. In white collar and industrial employment, the equal opportunity, executive orders, and the civil rights laws of the 60s, accelerated departures from the color cast pattern of employment. Such changes having been initiated during World War II. Those now in middle-class brackets, in both service and production employment, have been the chief beneficiaries of this development. For both upper and middle-income blacks, the combined impact of recession and inflation took its toll, as reflected in the failure of their percentages in the black community to increase in recent years. If living standards for the privilege blacks have eroded somewhat in this period. The economic status of the majority of blacks has deteriorated drastically. Between 1976 and 1977, the number of white families below the official poverty level declined by some 20,000. The number of similarly poor black families, increased by 20,000. Upward economic mobility for the black underclass, requires an expanding economy, effective and well directed training for many, and a targeted approach for increasing significantly job opportunities for those who are now marginal workers. During recent decades, the rate of joblessness among all youths has been higher than that of other major elements in the labor market. Beginning in 1958, there was an increasing differential between white and black youths, culminating in an official figure of 37% unemployment for blacks, and 14% for whites in 1977. It is well recognized that when the discouraged who have withdrawn from the labor market are included, some 40 to 50% of black youth are jobless today. By 1970, the racial differential and unemployment among teen ages for 11 large cities was significant. The percentage becoming at least twice as large for blacks as for whites in eight of these 11 cities. Six years later unemployment for teenagers as a group, had increased appreciably. For black youth, its increase was dramatic, ranging in seven of the 11 cities, from 42 to 58%. In these same cities, the white unemployment rate ranged from 12 to 25%. In large part, this was a dramatic consequence of the structural changes in our economy, as well as the mood of the nation, and the policies and programs of government. Involved was decline in the demand for unskilled labor, a reduction in production jobs, and a significant growth of white collar jobs, and deterioration of the economic base of most cities, supplemented by the rise of conservatism within the nation, and the economic conservatism of the Carter administration. The impact of these developments, is reflected by the following among other figures. In 1977, the percentage of blacks unemployed was one and nine tenths greater than whites. In the third quarter of 1978, although blacks obtained one third of the jobs created in that period, the ratio of black to white unemployment increased to two and three tenths, during part two demographic factors, occasioning a rapid growth in the black labor force. In this setting, litigation has played an increasing role. Several important decisions of the federal courts, have ordered affirmative action to achieve equal employment opportunities, and some have awarded back pay to those discriminated against. At the same time, in cases involving discrimination through seniority, the federal courts have often required establishment of discriminatory intent of the system. Emphasis upon intent in these and other cases, occasions costly and time consuming litigation. In addition, recent decisions have at times, been less been definitive. Only a month ago, the Supreme Court in \" Los Angeles versus David's,\" holding that, the case against the Los Angeles County fire department had become moot, throughout a court imposed racial hiring quota, without determining, whether the lower federal court had the power to impose quotas in the first place. Yet it seems that the Supreme Court approved the fire department's current hiring policy, which had affected the employment of blacks and Mexicans, in over half the Fireman's job since 1973. The earlier and by now famous Buckley decision, of the Supreme Court, has created apprehension and confusion, relative to the viability of affirmative action in employment as well as education. I relegate determination of the impact of Buckley, upon the constitutionality of affirmative action to time, subsequent litigation and lawyers. Certainly it has given comfort and encouragement to the opponents of such action occasioning, in my opinion, some loss of momentum towards progress in high up, in the desegregation and larger black participation in higher education circles. In both employment and education, primarily as a result of the decision, affirmative action is on the defense in certain quarters. Buckley supplies fuel to broad philosophical debates on the equity of affirmative action. One resulting issue is posed in terms of group versus individuals. It is simplified in the \"Weber versus Kaiser Aluminum Chemical Company,\" now before the Supreme Court. A clear decision in the favor of Weber, who claims that he has been discriminated against as blacks are given special preferential group as treatment as a group, would deal a severe blow, to the federal enforcement efforts for reducing discrimination against blacks through affirmative action. A victory for Kaiser, would in the words of Richard Ryan Hope, a reporter on the New York times, \"Open a wider new Vista, while those who fail, they suffer the lingering effects of bias.\" A disturbing feature of federal laws, court rulings, executive orders and regulations, is that they have often been conflicting. This in turn has created confusion and uncertainty, regarding such basic issues as to remedies that can be adopted without issuing of discrimination, the need to prove bias, the legality of utilizing numerical quotas and the like. As a consequence, millions of workers are uncertain about their rights to jobs, promotion, and back pay. In the 25 years since the Brown decision, blacks have achieved significant progress in education, both in terms of levels of schooling, and the numbers enrolled, and to a lesser degree, in modifying segregated patterns in public and publicly assisted institutions. Blacks greatly increased their enrollment in nursery, kindergarten, junior and senior high schools. By 1976 80% of blacks between 16 and 17 years old, were enrolled in schools as compared to 89 and 110% of whites of the same age. For this age group, the dropout rate for whites was eight and four-tenths percent, and for blacks nine and five tenths percent. But the racial prior proportions, not finishing high school was strikingly different. For the 18 to 19 year old group, it was 25% for blacks and only 15% for whites. This differential of course, was reflected in the number and proportion entering college. While there were absolute numerical gains for blacks, and their proportion enrolled in college increased from four to six-tenth percent in 1966, to 10 and seven tenths percent 10 years later. As the percentage reaching the senior high school grew from five reaching the senior year, I'm sorry, grew from five to 8% between 1970 and 75. Here again however, the racial educational gap remains significant at the college level. Blacks are overrepresented in public schools, as whites increasingly enter private ones. By 1980, it is predicted that they will be 15% of the total. They are concentrated in few screw districts, most of which are inadequately financed by local budgets, nor is state aid sufficient to compensate for this. And here in lies, one of the great institutional impediments to achieving equality. But the greatest effect in education for blacks, has long been qualitative. Some years ago Norton E. Long, spoke of the real urban mismatch, involving the disparity between the educational qualifications of those still in the cities, and the requirements of the jobs the cities provide. Lack of access to economically expanding suburbs, especially for lower end income and black families, exacerbates the impact of this mismatch. In higher education, past impregnable barriers to employment in many occupations, widespread family, widespread 40 counseling, and deprivation of ghetto living including low family incomes, have combined to narrow the fields of black concentration. Those fields in which the greatest lack of representation occurs are in the growth areas, and our fields, are of greatest need in the economy in general, and in the black community specifically. A few professions illustrates the situation. Black enrollment in law schools increased only from some 3% in 1969 and 70, to four and four tenths percent in 1976, 77. Black enrollment in medical schools, increased five and four tenths percent, from four and five tenths percent in 1972, to six and one tenths percent in 1976. And between 1974 and 1977, there was a numerical increase for the nation, of only four black medical students. The record for blacks in dental and pharmacology, was even more break. Bachelor degrees for black engineers increased, only from eight tenths to 1% in 1968, to one and eight tenths percent in 1973. As the Barkley decision decreed that education must be color blind, and race not an exceptional constitutionally valid factor in admissions. This dismal pass record, in professional education for blacks, would have been even more dismal. In the end, at the undergraduate level, the impact while less, would have been significant. In 1976, some 748,000 Black Americans, were enrolled in colleges and universities, as compared to 6,300,000 white Americans. An increasing number, and an increasing proportion of these black students, were enrolled in other than the traditional black colleges. However, a still large proportion of the graduands among blacks came from the black colleges, due to the unfortunate fact that over 45% of those in the so-called white colleges, were in two year community schools, many of which did not award any degrees, and certainly no bachelor's degrees. Success rates for blacks in colleges, approximated that for whites, doing part to economic support systems in higher education. A recent study of a sample of black students at selected universities, including Amherst, Princeton, Harvard, Stanford, Dartmouth, Duke, Oberlin, Yale and Wesleyan, found that since 1961, 70% of them have graduated and 7% were still enrolled. They had for the most part succeeded, despite combined SAT scores, that average 200 points below those of white students. Many graduated with honors, some, despite scores as much as 300 to 400 points below the college medians. From the top of the 1954 \"Brown and Board\" decision, until 1960, federal authorities intervened only in five or 10 cases, which involved violence in stopping a court order. Nor was it unusual for States to ignore federal district courts rulings, favorable to the 1954 Supreme Court decision, and suffer no penalty. Noncompliance with Brown was rampant, going so far as closing schools ordered by the courts to desegregate, stopping state aid to those that did, and redistricting, and redirecting I'm sorry, and appropriating funds, to newly organized segregated schools. Compulsory attendance laws were repealed to facilitate white children leaving the segregated schools. The Civil Rights Act of 1974, finally gave authority to the US Commissioner of Education, to aid directly desegregation of school districts, and empowered the Attorney General to use the law, to enforce desegregation. It also disallowed the use of federal funds and any racially discriminatory school programs. Although guidelines for monitoring and enforcing these programs of the 1964 Civil Rights Act were drawing up the following year, political pressures eroded their efficacy. Free choice plans abound, with the courts frequently approving them while hiding under the 1955 \"Briggs versus Elliot\" ruling, which was interpreted, as only requiring that a black child had a right to attend a desegregated school and that, \"The constitution did not require integration.\" Finally, the federal courts were confronted with a rash of school desegregation cases, and the patterns began to change. The Supreme Court in \"Swann vs Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education,\" recognized in 1971, that administrative actions by school authorities have a strong impact on residential patterns. The implication of this may not have been recognized by the full court at the time, but it soon became clear. For it undermines the main defense of school districts, to charge of discrimination. A defense which argued, that racial school composition simply reflects neighborhood residential composition. The decision recognized, that the administrative actions that increase the segregation of races in schools, foster the very segregation that is the purported cause. In \"Dayton Board of Education et al versus Brinkman,\" in 1977, the Supreme Court are called among other things, for determination of how much incremental segregation affect, the discriminatory acts of a school board had, on the distribution of pupils, and how that pattern would compare, to what would have been, if the board had never practiced discrimination. This issue was subsequently before a federal court, when the Supreme Court immediately after the Dayton decision, vacated the judgment of a Court of Appeals and remanded, \"Amos vs Board of School Directors of the City of Milwaukee,\" for reconsideration. Although few judges have followed the lead of the Supreme Court in the Swann decision, and given close attention to the linkage between schools and housing, social science research has increasingly done so. Studies have found that schools with a stable racial mix, connote to nearby and potential residents, that they will not be forsaken by school authorities. Those school policies conserve to call us a neighborhood, and generate confidence and its continued stability. School segregation, residential segregation, racial economic differences, housing preferences and neighborhood attitudes, and discriminatory practices of other government agencies, are linked together in a complex pattern of reciprocal causation and influence. It is in this context, that the controversy over busing has assumed top billing in school desegregation. When it becomes apparent, as delineated in \"Swann versus Charlotte-Mecklenburg,\" that the assignment to schools nearest to the student's residence, could not end a separate pattern of all black and all white schools. The Supreme Court ruled that busing was permissible, as a legal remedy to accomplish school desegregation. The hope that busing might include suburban schools, was diminished in 1974 when the Supreme Court, ruled in \"Milliken vs Bradley,\" that the 53 school districts that made up the suburbs of Detroit, could not legally be compelled to merge with the city school district for the purpose of busing. This court stated, that no evidence had been offered to demonstrate, that the suburban districts had been guilty of discriminatory action against black students, and in effect, did not need to be punished by a mandatory busing with Detroit's 70% black schools. On the other hand, Gary Orfield in a recent Brookings institution study, concluded that there is no alternative to busing, if schools are to be integrated. He affirmed too, that in the older urban areas school desegregation to be successful, will have to be carried out on a metropolitan level, with children bused across central city school boundaries. The status of desegregation in higher education in the South is in flux. The most volatile factor, is \"Adams v. Califano,\" a case originally filed in 1970, when then secretary of HEW, Elliot Richardson was the defendant. Pursuant to this litigation, HEW determined that that eight States maintain the segregated systems of public higher education. The courts invalidated the desegregation plans of these States, which Pratt had previously accepted. That department was then required to issue guidelines and criteria for these States. And other States were referred to the Department of Justice for enforcement action. The HEW guidelines and criteria, call for statewide integration plans in higher education, plus enhancement of black colleges. They also require dismantling of dual facilities in black and other colleges, in the system of public education, increase in the number of blacks going to former white institutions, with attention to retention and graduation, and increased opportunities for blacks in so-called white colleges. So far black colleges have not been closed, but States are big pressured to develop them through greater financial support. In some instances, duplication of certain programs in black and other colleges in a given locality, has been banned. In 1979, champions of desegregation in public education, concentrated upon preservation of what had been gained. There was apprehension lest past advances, might be fiddled way by the present Supreme Court which, by reversing lower federal courts decisions, had recently cut back on the progress towards desegregation. Looking back upon the Brown decision after 25 years, Madelon Delany Stent, concluded the process was an analysis of dissonance. I quote. \"For although the decision was a catalyst for real change in educational progress for Black Americans, there were in 1978, unmistakable signs of retrogression, and maintenance of the status quo. In contemporary America, the problems of the urban disadvantaged and the poor, are the problems of our cities. The problems of our cities are in large measure, the problems of the disadvantaged and the poor. Both are the consequences of the process of urbanization, which has significantly distributed the more affluent elements in the population, and the locus of economic activity, as well as economic growth. Although there are many things that the cities can do for themselves, such as improve the quality of public education, upgrade the efficiency of public services, and more prudently monitor budgets, there are many ills cities face, that are beyond their capacity to handle. Included are development of programs to deal with poverty, effectively reduce high rates of unemployment among urban black youth, get the economy in order and thereby relief cities and the rest of the nation from the twin ravages of inflation and slow economic growth. Not only must federal concern for and commitment to deal with these issues exist, but there needs to be effective articulation of urban problems and an inspired vision of urban America. There must be knowledge as well as action. And we look to national leadership to supply the necessary ingredients. Without the results of resulting federal stands, cities cannot survive and prosper, nor will their problems be met. They Carter administration early set up machinery, for developing an urban policy. After many delays and apparently much in house bickering, it issued a policy statement a little over a year ago. That document was well oriented, delineated many significant problems and proposed solutions. Some of the latter, as the urban development bank were hazy. Others were too modest in scope to make appreciable dense in complex issues, as structural unemployment. Still others, were faulty in their pursuits, as concentrating up on inner city solutions, and their pursuits upon a suburban strategy. As a consequence of failure to recommend the bold approaches, to opening the suburbs to minorities, the potential for greater job opportunities for blacks, and escalation of school disgregation, was grievously lessened. By the end of 1978, it became apparent that the administration had a policy, but no commensurate program. Many if not most of the innovative elements in the policy, were either not proposed or fail to be vigorously championed. This diffidence support from the White House, and a Congress pressured by a tax conscious electorate, reduced what might've been expected, a watered down Housing and Urban Development Bill. This will mean little sucker for the cities, unless federal action to deal with problems which have harassed so many blacks in urban America. There is another, there are three basic elements, in realization of equal access to standard housing by minorities and the segregated residential patterns. The first is an adequate income, either in the form of earnings, or in the form of earnings plus some type of subsidy. The second is the creation of an adequate supply of shelter, as cost a large segment of the population can afford, and in locations throughout the metropolitan complex. Third, there must be an effectively administered workable, fair housing statute, to assure minorities access to a wide choice of housing they can afford. The first of these two conditions, were met in a series of housing programs, beginning with the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1961, and culminating in the Housing Act of 1968. New forms of subsidies and new methods of finance, had established a greatly increased effective demand for housing on the part of blacks, and the machinery or financing construction of moderate income shelter. Much of the resulting building, was beyond the limits of the central cities. Thus this of course was arrested by the moratorium placed on directly subsidized lower income housing, by the Nixon administration in January of 1973. The third element evolved during the same period. First, there was an executive order issued by President Kennedy in November, 1962. It barred racial discrimination, but was restricted to more than 20% of the new housing market, and covered only about 1% of the total housing. Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, banned discrimination in federally financed housing, but explicitly, excluded FHA insured and VA guaranteed mortgages from its coverage. In 1968, a new civil rights law was enacted. It contained Title VIII, devoted to fair housing, and its coverage would expand to about 80% of the housing universe in three years after enactment. Title VIII was ambiguous in some respects. It was especially weak in its enforcement provisions, relying upon its right to litigate, and the right of private parties to do the same. To the surprise of many, the courts which had little experience or expertise in the problem, have served Title VIII well. They have almost invariably resolve ambiguities on the side of broad interpretation of substantive and procedural provisions of the act. Two decisions, \"Trafficante versus Metropolitan Life\" in 1972, and \"Gladstone, Realtors versus the Village of Bellwood\" in 1979, have held that those entitled to the protection of Title VIII, are not limited solely to persons who are direct objects of discrimination. Others while not directly subjected to discrimination are included if injured by the virtue of denial of interracial associations. The court held further, that the objective of fair housing law, is not to end housing discrimination, but to replace the ghetto with integrated racial patterns. Lower federal courts have at least been equally constructive and generous, in their interpretation of Title VIII, ruling, \"The three separate sections prohibit racial redlining,\" and similar findings were made relative to prohibiting discrimination in the exercise of land use authorized by municipalities, as well as racial steering by real estate brokers. As you know, only if a weeks ago the US Supreme Court upheld the lower court in the Bellwood steering case. Of great significance too, is the fact that the federal courts have viewed the burden of proof in Title VIII cases in a realistic manner. Thus although the Supreme Court held in \"Village of Arlington Heights versus Metropolitan Housing Development Corporation,\" that plaintiffs in lawsuits charging housing discrimination under the 14th Amendment, must prove that the purpose or intent of the challenging conduct is discriminatory. In the other hand, though these courts in similar cases, brought under Title VIII, have uniformly held, that the plaintiffs burden is only to show, the effect of the challenged conduct is discriminatory. As the US Circuit Appeals Court for the Seventh Circuit expressed it, \"Effect and not motivation, is a touchstone under Title VIII.\" Despite such favorable treatment in the courts, the efficacy of Title VIII has been disappointing. As suggested earlier this is due mainly, to an imperfect statute which the courts are powerless to correct. Largely as a consequence of this, housing discrimination remains a serious problem. The housing market practices survey, the National Committee Against Discrimination of Housing completed last year, under a contract with HUD, dramatically documented the current situation. Examining the practice of some 3,200 real estate firms, and real estate agents in 40 metropolitan areas across the country. The survey found that blacks responding, to newspaper advertisements of rental vacancies, were discriminated against in 21 and five tenths percent of their inquiries. If a black person's response to advertised units led him or her, to inquire with four rental offices or four brokers, as often is the case in shopping for housing. The probability of encountering discrimination, would be 75% in the rental market, and 62% in the sales market. Nor do these preliminary findings take into account, possible subsequent discrimination due to racial steering. These and other circumstances demonstrated, that Title VIII has proven to be considerably less than the charter of equal opportunity, that was its promise in 1968. To correct this, the Federal Housing Amendments Act of 1979 has been introduced in both houses of Congress. Hearings have been held in the Senate and the house, and the bill has bi-partisan sponsorship, as well as the support of the administration. It would totally transform the Title VIII administrative process, by providing HUD with the realistic authority to bring about satisfactory resolution of individual complaints. Although passage of the Fair Housing Amendments Act of 1979, is a live possibility, formidable impediments to significant change in racial residential patterns would remain. The current predilection of the White House and Congress, to reduce the volume of new subsidized housing, and limit the movement of blacks out of ghetto areas, and the disinclination of the executive and the Congress to champion an area wide approach to publicly assisted shelter will have a similar effect. Nor less threatening, is the recent tendency of many suburban areas, to wrap themselves in the respectable bunking of ecology, to justify a spousal of slow or no growth policies. At the start such a stance emphasize, protection of suburban single-family neighborhoods. In the past, it was aimed mainly, at keeping out unwanted neighbors, such as the poor and minority groups. Today in the word of Bernard J. Friedman, \"Gross controls helped trigger proposition 13 in California. But now suburbanites can safely continue to restrict home building and enjoy rising values of their homes without feeling much pain in their tax bills.\" While the quality of housing occupied by blacks improved markedly, especially as a consequence of the Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968, the gain was less than for whites, and interrupted by Executive Action in 1973. Also, other gains that did occur, took place in the confines of an almost unrhythmic pattern of segregation. More affluent blacks have often been able to penetrate the white news around the central cities, acquiring a wide range of high quality housing. Few lower income blacks have found escape from the ghetto. When they have done so, it has been to the oldest suburbs to replace whites who are moving elsewhere in large numbers. Thus the move is frequently, from one segregated residential area to another. 25 years after \"Brown and Board,\" many black Americans are much better off in terms of job opportunities in income, that seemed possible in the mid 1950s. At the same time, a large number of blacks are outside the main stream of the American economy, as reflected by a high unemployment rates, and low family incomes. But the racial gap remains. The issue of busing seems to hold a key, to integration of public elementary and secondary schools, and future court decisions involving affirmative action, will be crucial for accelerated enrollment in non-black colleges and universities, and for expanded job opportunities. Current legislation and appropriations proposed by this administration in the Congress, suggest another slowdown in the production of housing, in the price ranges that will meet the needs of most blacks. This could again, setback progress towards higher standard of shelter. Desegregation in housing has so far been immune from legislative and judicial attacks, and its resistance to change, deters for the progress in employment and education. What is happening in black America, reflects many forces including, the impact of rapid and continuing suburbanization, the changes in the labor requirements of the economy, the content, and the quality of administration of federal programs, the decision, especially decisions, especially of the federal courts, the recent trend towards economic conservatism inside and outside of government, the impact of inflation, and perhaps most of all, the predilection of white Americans to overestimate the progress of blacks and thereby, rationalize, listening or withdrawing support of programs to foster equal opportunity. Thank you.","format":"text/plain"},"target":"https://iastate.aviaryplatform.com/collections/1150/collection_resources/43875/file/116941#t=0.0,2913.35837"}]}]}]}